The Role and Place of the Middle Persian Language and Writing in Caucasian Albania

In memory of Sara Kasumova

A significant political influence of Sasanian Iran on Caucasian Albania (Gr. Ἀλβανία, Lat. Albania, Arm. Ałuankʿ, Georg. Rani, Syr. Aran, Parth. Ārdān, Mid. Pers. Ārān, Ālbān, Arab. ar-Ran/Arran) since the 330s AD (to the expiry of the forty-year Nisibin Treaty) and its subsequent incorporation into Eranshahr, the presence of large Sasanian military contingents, the Iranian administration, and the acolytes of Zoroastrianism allow us to consider the spread of the Middle Persian language and script among the Albanian nobility and administration. This process was facilitated by the establishment of close dynastic ties between the Arsacids of Albania and the Sasanian royal family. At least since the reign of King Urnayr (ca. 350–375), we can speak of the establishment of these dynastic ties, which became habitual and continued right up until the abolition of Albanian kingdom at the beginning of the 6^th century.Thus, King Urnayr of Albania (ca. 350–375) was married to the sister (or daughter) of the shāhanshāh Shapur II (309–379); King Aswahen (ca. 415–440) was the son of the sister of Shapur III (383–388) and the husband of daughter of shāhanshāh Yazdagird II (439–457); King Vache II (ca. 440–462) was the son of the sister of the shāhanshāhs Hormizd (457-459) and Peroz (459–484) and was married to their niece; and finally, a passionate follower of Christianity, King Vachagan III the Pious (ca. 485–510) was also “from the royal family of Persia”, son (or nephew) of Yazdagird II and brother (or nephew) of Vache II [Gadjiev, 2015, p. 68–75; Gadjiev, 2020, p. 29–35]. Prince (ishkhan) of Gardman¹ Mihran (late 6^th century), whose descendants founded a new dynasty of rulers of Albania, was also of Iranian origin. There is some discernible confusion surrounding the nature of the degree of kinship – brother or nephew, sister or niece – for which an explanation is revealed in the forms of marriage that were practiced among the higher nobility of Sasanian Iran. The above-mentioned Albanian king Vache II, as the nephew of Yazdagird II (i.e. son of a sister) and Peroz I (i.e. son of his sister, who was also the sister of Yazdagird II, as Peroz was married to his own aunt – sister of Yazdagird II), was married to the niece of Peroz, that is, to his own sister or cousin. Along with dynastic and property considerations, Zoroastrian religious norms also played the significant role here [Perikhanyan, 1983, p. 65]. Written sources provide the correspondence of the rulers of Albania, Armenia, Iberia with the Sasanians and the written decrees of the shāhanshāhs sent to the Transcaucasian provinces of Iran, which indirectly indicates the spread of the Middle Persian language and writing here. For instance, Eghishe (5^th century), writing about the preparation of Yazdagird II for the war with the Kushans, reports that the shāhanshāh sent an order to the vassal countries to provide and collect troops: “... the edict was received in the lands of the Armenians, Iberians, Albanians, Lpinkʿ, Tsawdeikʿ, Kordukʿ, Aldznikʿ, and in many other distant parts ...” [Eghishe 1971, p. 30; Elishē, 1982, p. 64]. Later, early in the 6^th century, the incorporation of Albania into the Sasanian Empire on the rights of marzbāndom assumed its inclusion in the sphere of administrative office work and the written culture of Iran. The use of the Middle Persian language and pārsīg (pahlavi) in Albania is evidenced by the Middle Persian inscriptions of Derbent, dating from the time of the shāhanshāh Khosrow I Anushirvan (531–579), more precisely 568–569 AD [Gadjiev, 2008, p. 1–15]. These inscriptions can be considered monuments of the Middle Persian epigraphy of Caucasian Albania, given their location in the historical territory of Albania (as an integral part of Eranshahr), at the same time taking into account the fact that they were written by the Iranians, as indicated by the proper names in them – Dariuš, Ādurgušnasp, Mōšīg, Rašn(u) [Gadjiev, Kasumova, 2006]. There are, however, three unique monuments of lapidary paleography, which are monuments of the Middle Persian epigraphy of Albania – gem-seals that belonged to representatives of the highest secular and religious nobility of Caucasian Albania. These are unique intaglios of the Crown Prince of Albania Asay, King of Albania Aswahen and the Great Catholicos of Albania and Balasakan. They are of great interest for the study of cultural and political ties between Sasanian Iran and Albania, Albanian sphragistics.

The seal of Asay, the Crown Prince of Albania (fig. 1). The seal is made of banded brown and white agate in the Sassanian style. The central field of the gem is occupied by a deep three-dimensional image of a recumbent deer with branched antlers; there is a clear Middle Persian inscription below it and on its side. Unlike most images of a deer in Sasanian glyptics, this intaglio shows the animal in a rather realistic and expressive manner, which demonstrates the high professionalism of the gemcutter and the prestigious nature of the product. This gem-seal, the origin of which is unfortunately unknown, was first published in 2009 by J.A. Lerner [Lerner, 2009, p. 83–89]. In her paper, in particular, a detailed description of the gem, its historical and cultural analysis are given along with a translation of the Middle Persian inscription on it (without transliteration and transcription) made by P.O. Skjærvø: “Asay, Prince of Alan” [Lerner, 2005, p. 83]. Based on its overall carving style, J. Lerner dates the print to the 4-5^th century; she notes that “its actual style, however, is not completely typical and sets it apart, as will be seen, from seals of this time. The orthography of the inscription, too, is not completely typical but “is in part provincial, an assessment that… fits well with the seal's ownership and choice of image” [Lerner, 2005, p. 83]. Based on the translation of the inscription and the image of the deer, the gem is attributed to the Scytho-Alanian culture [Lerner, 2009, p. 83–89]. However, this conclusion, as well as the translation of the inscription, are incorrect. In 2013 E. Khurshudyan in his article [Khurshudyan, 2013, p. 191–201] gave the historical attribution of the gem and the correct translation of the inscription on it: 's'dy ZY' ld'n BRPYT'y “Āsāy ī Ārān vispuhr” “Āsāy, the Crown Prince of Ārān”. The researcher not only pinpoints the reading of Ārān (not Ālān) as a well-known Parthian and Middle Persian name of Caucasian Albania, but also compares the name of its owner mentioned in the inscription on the gem with the famous king Asay, mentioned in the list of kings of Caucasian Albania by Movses Dasxurantsi/Kalankatuatsi [Dasxuranci, 1961, I, 15; Kalankatuatsi, 1984, I, 15]. According to the chronology of the kings of Caucasian Albania proposed by me, Asay ruled in around 405–415 AD [Gadjiev, 2015, p. 68–75; Gadjiev, 2020, p. 29–35]. Since Asay has the title of the Crown Prince in the seal inscription – vispuhr (Av. vīsō puθra – literally “son of the [royal] clan / house”), and not the king, then the gem should be dated to the previous period, i.e. to the boundary of the 4-5^th centuries. It can be assumed that Asay was the son or younger brother of one of the previous kings – Mrhavan (Merhavan) (ca. 385–395) or Satoy (ca. 395–405). Thus, we have a gem with an absolute date, which serves as a chronological marker for dating the monuments of the Sassanian glyptics with the Middle Persian texts.

The seal of Aswahen, the King of Albania (fig. 2). This cornelian gem-seal from М.А. Pirousan’s collection of the Sasanian intaglios was published by Ph. Gignoux in 1975. The seal has a monogram (nīšān) – so called “Moon chariot” – in the center and a circular Middle Persian inscription. Ph. Gignoux provided the reading of the inscription, performed in a traditional formula and lapidary style as follows: ’hyphyny ZY ’ld’n MLK’ “A........., roi de Alains”. In doing so, author noted that “le nom du roi ne se laisse pass facilient identifier, mais sa titulature me paraît certaine” [Gignoux, 1975, p.17, pl. I, fig. 2.2]. Later S.Yu. Kasumova paid attention to the gem and justly pointed out that we deal with “la première gemme avec le nom et le titre d’un roi albain” and the word ’ld’n means “Albania”, not “Alans” [Kasumova, 1991, p. 31–32]. She also suggests to read the inscription “Axipxin (?), roi d’Albanie” and noted that “sur la base moyen-perse (et plus largement, en iranien) le nom ’h/wphy/wny n’a pas d’etymologie; il paraît vraisemblable que ce nom est “caucasien” (Lezgino-Daghestani)” [Kasumova, 1991, p. 32]. In my paper regarding this seal [Gadjiev, 2003, p. 102–119], I highlight the fact that the said variant of the reading of the name of the Albanian king cannot be considered correct; one should keep in mind that such a name is not mentioned anywhere in written sources. I have also noted that the third mark in the name of the king represented in the shape  must be interpreted as с (sādē), not as y (yōd) – the same spelling of the letter c is characteristic for the Middle Persian inscriptions on the Sasanian seals, – and a forth mark in the name representing 2-shaped form may clearly be interpreted as w (wāw), not as p (pē) – such a denoting of the letter wāw is widely spread in Middle Persian orthography. Basing on the said definitions of these alphabetical marks, I offered the reading of the seal inscription: ’hсwhyny ZY ’ld’n MLK’ Āhzwahēn i, Ārān šāh “Āhzwahēn, King of Aran (Albania)”. The king of Albania appears in the works of his contemporaries – Koryun [Koryun, 1962, 17], Movses Khorenatsi [Khorenatsi, 1990, III, 54], as well as in the works of later authors – Dasxurantsi/Kalankatuatsi [Dasxuranci, 1961, I, 15, 23, II, 3; Kalankatuatsi, 1984, I, 15, 23, II, 3], Kirakos Gandzaketsi [Gandzaketsi, 1976, X,193], Stepanos Orbelyan [Orbelyan, 1910, 15]. In manuscripts this name is presented in the forms of Arsvał, Arsvałēn, Esvałēn, Eswałēn, Ēsvałēn. Obviously, the variations of the spellings of the name are accounted for by the adaptation of this (Eastern Caucasian?) name to another language, by its non-native written transformation. And the Middle Persian form Āhzwahēn on the seal is quite conformed to the spelling in the Old Armenian language. According to the written sources, Aswahen was contemporary of shāhānshāhs Yazdagird I (399–421) and Varhran V (421–439) and possibly Yazdagird I (439–457). He was a son of a sister of shāhānshāh Shapur III (383–388) and a grandson of Shapur II (309–379). By permission of Aswahen, King of Albania, and Jeremiah, Bishop of Albania, original Albanian system of writing was invented in the early 5^th century (ca. 420 AD). According to my chronology of the Albanian Arsacids, King Aswahen ruled in ca. 415–440 AD [Gadjiev, 2015, p. 68–75; Gadjiev, 2020, p. 29–35]. The “Moon chariot” monogram in the center of the seal may be considered as Aswahen’s royal emblem, and perhaps the emblem of other Arsacid-Sasanian kings of Caucasian Albania. This symbol, also called “Halbmond über gestürztem Wagen” (R. Göbl), “Mondwagenwappen” (H. Jänichen) or “le symbole des Ephtalites” (E. Specht), “signe hephtalite” (R. Ghirshman), “Hephtalitentamga”, “das Tamga der Alxon” (R. Göbl), is not unique and can be seen on some Sasanian gems and Kushan-Sasanian and Chionite, Alkhon/Alkhan (Alxano), Napka/Nezak and Bamiyan (Hephtalite) princes’ coins (and seals [Staviskiy, 1961, p. 54–56²]). I suggest to interpret the “Moon wagon” monogram as a symbol of dynastic ties with the Sasanians and of belonging to this powerful royal family, “descending from gods” [Gadjiev, 2003, p. 106–117]. The seal of King Aswahen determines the title āh (MLK’) for Albania for the first time. Later, the title was reflected in the family name of influential Albanian princes of the 8-9 centuries Aranšahik // hEranšahik [Dasxuranci, 1961, III, 22; Kalankatuatsi, 1984, III, 22], who ruled in Shakki, and then was adopted in the Arabic form Arranšah, according to the chronicle “Tarikh al-Bab wa-Sharwan” (early 12^th century)³, by the Muslim Shaddadid dynasty, established in Ganja in the end of the 10^th century. In this regard, it should be noted that A.I. Kolesnikov, examining the administrative-territorial structure of late Sasanian Iran, came to the conclusion that granting the title šāh to the marzbans and some of the spahbeds of Eranshahr was the recognition of the considerable independence of border rulers [Kolesnikov, 1970, p. 55]. This conclusion can be rightfully applied to the East Caucasian rulers – holders of this title – well known from Arab and Persian authors of the 9-10^th and later centuries. Granting the rulers of small but strategically important state formations of the Eastern Caucasus the title šāh was in accordance with the norms of the Sasanian nomenclature, hierarchical practice, reflected, in particular, in the order of the “Letter of Tansar”: “No other man, not being of our house, shall be called king (šāh – M.G.), but the Lords of the Marches – of Alān and the western region, of Xwārezm and Kābul” [Boyce, 1968, p. 35]. In view of the abovementioned close dynastic ties between the Albanian kings and the Sassanians, as well as the well-known information of al-Baladhuri and other Arab and Persian authors of the 9-10^th centuries and afterwards (al-Masudi, Ibn Khordadbeh, Ibn al-Faqih, Hamza Ispahani) about granting the title šāh to the owners (Arab. mulūk) and leaders (Arab. kuwwad) of various regions of the North-Eastern Caucasus and Caucasian Albania⁴ by Khosrow I Anushirwan (531–579), it seems to be reasonable to read Arans (’l’n’n = Ārānān), i.e. “Albanians”, and not Alans, given that in Middle Persian the letters l and r were indicated by the same symbol⁵. Such reading fully corresponds to the data of written sources, the historical situation and the significance of the border regions of the Eastern Caucasus in the late Sassanian period. It seems that the misreading of the toponym 'ld'n of the Middle Persian inscriptions on the seals of Prince Asay and King Aswahen was the result of researchers’ poor knowledge of Albania compared to their better expertise in Alans.

The seal of Great Catholicos of Albania and Balasakan (fig. 3). This carnelian gem-seal is part of the collection of carved stones of the National Library in Paris; however, it is not presented in the catalog of L.J. Delaporte [Delaporte, 1920; 1923]. R. Göbl first published it in 1973 as one of the samples of gems with a cross, providing no commentaries to it [Göbl, 1973, taf. 33.102a]. The image of a cross with slightly widened arms, almost equilateral with a slightly elongated lower descending arm, occupies the central field on the front of the intaglio. A crescent with horns upward and a six-rayed star are carved under the side arms; under the cross there is a ring, on which the Christian symbol seems to stand. On both sides of the central image, there is a Middle Persian inscription in cursive, similar to the Late Sasanian paleography. Later the seal was published by J.A. Lerner in her monograph [Lerner, 1977, p. 31, pl. I, 3], in the appendix to which R.N. Frye proposed the first reading of the inscription - ’lšn W bl’nyk′ ‘tlykwny, and attributed the gem by paleographic features to the 7^th century [Frye, 1977, p. 41]. A year later, Ph. Gignoux gave a generally correct reading of the legend, with the exception of one toponym word: [kws]ty Y hlb’n W bl’skn wcwlk ’tlykws “Grand Catholikos de Hulvān et de Balāsagān”. Relying on the specific spelling of the letter k in words bl'skn, wcwlk, k'tlykws, he cautiously dated this seal 6-7^th centuries [Gignoux, 1978, p. 64, no.7.5, pl. XXIII; 1980, p. 299–314, pl. I, fig. 1]. Later A.I. Kolesnikov, studying the administrative toponyms on the Sasanian seals, drew attention to a number of circumstances: firstly, the fact that the toponym Hulvān on the gem’s impression on a bulla at the Iraq Museum in Baghdad is written like hlw'n, and not hlb'n; secondly, which is especially important, Hulwan is located close to Baghdad, but at a distance of about 700 km from the Balasakan region. This made it possible for the researcher to give preference to the variant 'lb'n /' rb'n / 'rr'n, “interpreting it as an indication of Caucasian Albania, Arran – a province that traditionally bordered on Balasakan and in certain periods of history constituted a single administrative unit and ecclesiastical diocese with it” [Kolesnikov, 1985, p. 182–183; 1989, p. 249–250). Thus, researchers accepted the reading of kust ī Ālbān ud Balāsagān wuzurg kātolikos as the “Great Catholicos, [province] of Albania and Balasakan” [Kasumova, 1991, p. 23–24; Kasumova, 1992, p. 30; Gyselen, 1993, p. 155, No. 60.13, pl. XLII, 60.13⁶]. S.Yu. Kasumova noted that “the paleography of the inscription does not allow us to give the exact dating: cursive letters on gems appear no later than in the 5^th century, and were used in the same varieties for several centuries” [Kasumova, 1991, p. 28–29]. She was inclined to date the seal to the 6^th century. At the same time, she views the title “Catholicos of Albania and Balasakan” as a reflection of the situation that developed after the anti-Sasanian uprisings in 481–484, when, in her opinion, Balasakan “united with Albania” [Kasumova, 1991, p. 31; 2005, p. 49]. But the sources lack documentary data on the unification of these two state formations, and this point of view is based on an assessment of the general political situation in the region. According to the researcher, Shubkhalishoy could be the first to accept this title (Syr. šubḥā l-īšōʕ - "glory to Jesus") – “Chief Episkoposapet”, “Archbishop of Partaw”, “Catholicos from Jerusalem” [Dasxuranci, 1961, I, 23, 26, III, 24; Kalankatuatsi, 1984, I, 23, 26, III, 24], and this title itself existed until mid-6^th century, when a new one was introduced – “Catholicos of Albania (Ałuankʿ), Lpinia (Lpinkʿ) and Chor” [Kasumova, 1991, p. 31; 2005, p. 50]. In the article devoted to the attribution of this intaglio, based on the paleographic comparison of the inscription on it with the inscriptions of the 6-7^th centuries on seals from the collection of the State Hermitage and bullas from the Archive of the Ādur Gušnasp temple (Taxt-e Solaymān; no later than 624 AD), I dated the seal of the Great Catholicos from the 6^th to the early 7^th century [Gadjiev, 2004, p. 466–467]. In the same article, I noticed that in the inscription the term kwsty (district, province) is reconstructed by researchers – there are only final letters in the text – [kws]ty... This does not exclude the possibility of seeing here not the indication of the administrative unit, but the name of the Great Catholicos himself. In this case, we are dealing with the usual construction “name – toponym (region, city, temple) – title”, standard for lapidary Middle Persian texts. Such a structure is presented, for example, in the inscriptions on the seals of Prince Asay and King Aswahen (see above), in the Middle Persian inscriptions of Derbent (Dariuš ī Ādurbādagan āmārgar) [Gadjiev, 2000, p. 116–129; Gadjiev, Kasumova, 2006, p. 35–61, 73–83] and on many other Sasanian gems (for example: Warahrān Kermān Šāh, Vehdenšapuhr ī Ērān āmbarakpat, Bāfarak ī Mēšan magupat, Wēšahpuhr ī Ārdahšir-Hwarra magupatetc [Borisov, Lukonin, 1963, p. 21, 39–40, 48–49]). Taking into account the names of the heads of the Albanian Church known to us, we can reconstruct the name on the seal – **Pānty / Pāndy [Gadjiev, 2004, p. 472]. Catholicos Pant appears in the lists of the heads of the Albanian Church by Movses Daskhurantsi/Kalankatvatsi, Kirakos Gandzaketsi, Mkhitar Ayrivaneci and Mkhitar Gosh [Dasxuranci, 1961, III, 23; Kalankatuatsi, 1984, III, 23; Gandzaketsi, 1960, 1976, Gosh, p. 8; Ayrivanetsi, 1860, p. 19]. An analysis of these lists made it possible to attribute the reign of Catholicos Pant to the beginning of the 6^th century [Gadjiev, 2004, p. 472–473]. Apparently, one of the monasteries of the Albanian Church in Jerusalem, mentioned by Dasxurantsi/Kalankatuatsi in the list of Albanian monasteries and located east of the Mount of Olives [Dasxuranci, 1961, III, 23; Kalankatuatsi, 1984, III, 23], was named after him.